Migration and Power: How Human Mobility Reshaped U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America

I. A Relationship Defined by Movement

For more than a century, migration has not merely accompanied but actively structured the relationship between the United States, Mexico, and the broader Latin America. By 2020, more than 62 million people of Latin American origin were living in the United States, representing nearly 19% of the total population (U.S. Census Bureau 2021). Mexicans alone have historically constituted the largest foreign-born group, peaking at over 11 million migrants in the late 2000s (Pew Research Center 2015). These figures are not incidental; they reflect a deep structural interdependence shaped by geography, labor demand, and policy decisions.

Remittances further illustrate this interconnection. In 2023, Mexico received over $63 billion USD in remittances from migrants in the United States (World Bank 2023). For several Central American countries—including El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala—remittances account for between 20% and 30% of GDP (World Bank 2023). These flows have effectively transformed migration into an informal pillar of regional economic stability.

II. Labor Needs and Bilateral Cooperation (1940s–1960s)

During World War II, labor shortages in the United States led to the creation of the Bracero Program (1942–1964), a bilateral agreement with Mexico that brought approximately 4.5 million Mexican workers into the United States through over 22 million contracts (Cohen 2011). At its peak in the late 1950s, more than 400,000 Mexican laborers were entering the U.S. annually.

This period marked a rare moment when migration was openly integrated into foreign policy as a tool of economic cooperation. However, studies document widespread labor abuses, including wage theft and poor working conditions (Cohen 2011).

When the program ended in 1964, legal migration channels contracted sharply. By the early 1970s, U.S. Border Patrol apprehensions exceeded 1 million annually, indicating a shift toward undocumented migration rather than a reduction in flows (U.S. Border Patrol).

III. Cold War Contradictions and Displacement (1970s–1980s)

During the Cold War, migration became entangled with U.S. geopolitical strategy in Latin America. Conflicts in countries such as El Salvador and Guatemala—shaped in part by U.S. involvement—generated large-scale displacement. Between 1980 and 1990, roughly 1 million Salvadorans fled their country (UNHCR 2023).

Despite this, asylum approval rates in the United States remained extremely low. In the early 1980s, fewer than 3% of Salvadoran and Guatemalan applicants were granted asylum (Bibler Coutin 2000). This disparity reflected how foreign policy priorities influenced migration policy decisions.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 legalized approximately 2.7 million undocumented migrants, about 75% of whom were Mexican nationals (Massey, Durand, and Malone 2002). While this temporarily reduced undocumented migration, flows resumed in the following decade.

IV. Free Trade and the Migration Paradox (1990s)

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), implemented in 1994, sought to reduce migration by promoting economic growth in Mexico. Trade between the United States and Mexico increased from $81 billion in 1993 to over $290 billion by 2000 (U.S. International Trade Commission).

However, NAFTA also disrupted rural economies. The influx of subsidized U.S. agricultural products contributed to the displacement of approximately 1.3 million Mexican farmers between 1994 and 2004 (Martin 2005). As a result, migration to the United States increased in the short term, with the Mexican-born population more than doubling between 1990 and the early 2000s (Pew Research Center 2015).

V. Security and the Securitization Turn (Post-2001)

The September 11 attacks transformed migration into a national security issue. Federal spending on immigration enforcement rose from approximately $4.5 billion in 2002 to over $25 billion annually by the mid-2010s (Migration Policy Institute 2017).

Enforcement capacity expanded significantly, with Border Patrol staffing increasing from around 9,000 agents in 2001 to more than 19,000 by 2011 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security). Deportations peaked at over 400,000 annually in 2012–2013 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security).

Programs such as the Mérida Initiative (2008) allocated more than $3 billion in U.S. assistance to Mexico, linking migration control with broader security objectives (Ribando Seelke and Finklea 2017). Migrant deaths along the border exceeded 6,000 between 2000 and 2020 (International Organization for Migration 2020).

VI. Externalization and Pressure in the 21st Century

The United States has increasingly relied on externalization strategies, pressuring Mexico and Central American countries to control migration flows. Mexico detained over 300,000 migrants in 2022, reflecting its growing role as an enforcement partner (INM 2022).

At the same time, migration patterns have diversified. Encounters at the U.S.–Mexico border exceeded 2.4 million in fiscal year 2023 (U.S. Customs and Border Protection 2023). Increasing numbers of migrants now come from Venezuela, Haiti, and Cuba.

Efforts to address the “root causes” of migration remain limited relative to the scale of the problem, with enforcement continuing to dominate policy priorities.

VII. A Critical Perspective: Migration as Structural Interdependence

Migration is best understood as a structural feature of U.S.–Latin American relations rather than a temporary crisis. Despite decades of enforcement, migration flows persist, driven by economic inequality and political instability.

Even as net migration from Mexico declined to near zero in the 2010s (Pew Research Center 2012), overall migration continued due to increased flows from Central and South America. This shift underscores the regional nature of migration.

Mexico and other Latin American countries have demonstrated agency, negotiating agreements and adapting to U.S. policies within an asymmetrical relationship.

Conclusion: Beyond Enforcement

Migration has been a defining element of U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America. From labor agreements to trade policies and security cooperation, migration has shaped diplomatic relations for decades.

The historical record suggests that enforcement-heavy strategies are insufficient. Sustainable solutions require addressing structural inequalities, expanding legal migration pathways, and fostering regional cooperation.

Sources

Bibler Coutin, Susan. Legalizing Moves: Salvadoran Immigrants’ Struggle for U.S. Residency. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000.

Cohen, Deborah. Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011.

International Organization for Migration. Missing Migrants Project. Geneva: IOM, 2020.

Martin, Philip. “NAFTA and Migration.” Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2005.

Massey, Douglas S., Jorge Durand, and Nolan J. Malone. Beyond Smoke and Mirrors: Mexican Immigration in an Era of Economic Integration. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2002.

Mexican National Migration Institute (INM). Boletines Estadísticos 2022. Mexico City: INM, 2022.

Migration Policy Institute. Immigration Enforcement in the United States: The Rise of a Formidable Machinery. Washington, DC: MPI, 2017.

Pew Research Center. Mexican Immigrants in the United States. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2015.

Pew Research Center. Net Migration from Mexico Falls to Zero—and Perhaps Less. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2012.

Ribando Seelke, Clare, and Kristin Finklea. U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2017.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2022. Geneva: UNHCR, 2023.

U.S. Census Bureau. Hispanic Population in the United States: 2020. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce, 2021.

U.S. Customs and Border Protection. Southwest Land Border Encounters: FY2023. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2023.

U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, DC: DHS, various years.

U.S. International Trade Commission. The Impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Washington, DC: USITC, various years.

World Bank. Migration and Development Brief 39. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2023.

Image: Galine Tumasyan